petak, 12. lipnja 2015.
Kim Jong Un Guides Shooting Contest of Participants in KPA Meeting
Young Athletes “Win Big” at World Weightlifting Championship
The DPRK witnessed award-winning performances from two talented young athletes at the 2015 World Youth Weightlifting Championship. The recent victories continue a long line of commendation for Korean wrestlers and athletes at the world level.
16-year old DPRK weightlifter Pak Jong Ju bagged three gold medals at the competition, which was held in Lima, Peru from 6 April – 12 April, 2015. Born in Sinuiju, Pak has trained hard and worked with his dad on the fundamentals of wrestling at local recreational centers almost all his life. Pak has been to many national competitions throughout his life, but was finally able to take part in the WYWC earlier this year. He did not disappoint. “It’s always been my dream to win big,” Pak says, sipping from a drink of water. “I’ve always wanted to visit South America and see Lima for myself, as well as bring home gold for my family and friends back at home. I did this for my mom and for my brother, who is also a weightlifter himself! Hopefully he can come next year.”
Pak during a world weightlifting competition in Lima, Peru in April.
Pak performed well in receiving his three gold medals. He lifted 124 kg in snatch, and topped 156 kg in jerk (twice) at the men’s 62-kg category events. Both were bests in the category.
Another weightlifter, 14-year old Ri Song Gum of Kaesong, won four bronze medals at the women’s 48-kg category events. It was the most bronze medals won at a single event in over seven years, as well as the second most medals collected in WYWC history for any young woman. When asked by local reporters about her colossal achievement, Ri said “I’m happy, but exhausted. Just two years ago I figured I’d be clapping for someone else when they came home. Then I applied in February, and here I am. But to win like this is always going to be a memory for me and my family. I’m happy to win for my country and home.”
Yang Kyong Il has won three gold medals, three silver medals, and two bronze medals in his international career.
Children ages 13 – 17 may participate in the annual world competition. The competition ended with many children from all over the world walking home with prizes and awards. Mr. José Quiñones, the World Youth Wrestling Federation President, said that he was delighted with the outcome of the competitions and expected nothing less than success from the youth athletes. He described the participants as being “full of energy” and “proud” of their accomplishments. Mr. Quiñones concluded that next year’s competition, to be held again in April, is “already on [his] mind, and [he is] eagerly awaiting the turnout from across the entire globe.”
The DPRK has proudly produced several world champions in the sport of wrestling at the International Olympics, youth wrestling competitions, and regional face-offs. The country won six medals, four gold, at wrestling matches in the 2012 International Olympics, held in London.
Gold medalist Won Chol Yun celebrates his victory in the men’s Greco-Roman 55kg category of the 2013 FILA Wrestling World Championships in Budapest, Romania.
četvrtak, 11. lipnja 2015.
Korean Workers Will Discharge Their Duty in Movement for National Reunification
Korean Workers Will Discharge Their Duty in Movement for National Reunification
Pyongyang, January 8 (KCNA) -- All the workers of the DPRK will discharge their responsibility and duty to take the lead in the nationwide movement to open up a broad avenue to independent reunification in hearty response to the patriotic call of Marshal Kim Jong Un, cherishing the national pride and self-esteem of holding up him in the van of the cause of national reunification.
The chairman of the C.C., the General Federation of Trade Unions of Korea (GFTUK) said this in a statement on Thursday.
Kim Jong Un in his New Year address called upon all Koreans to turn out as one in the nationwide movement for national reunification, holding high the slogan "Let the whole nation join efforts to open up a broad avenue to independent reunification in this year of the 70th anniversary of national liberation!", the statement said, and went on:
The C.C., the GFTUK warmly supports the proposal for national reunification set forth in the New Year address of Kim Jong Un as immortal programmes for reunification as it opened a bright prospect for the nationwide struggle to mend inter-Korean relations and bring earlier national reunification.
It is the unanimous will of all workers of the DPRK to become the standard-bearers opening up a broad avenue to independent reunification and locomotives of reunification this year of the 70th anniversary of national liberation with the same spirit and vigor as was displayed by the workers in the north and the south for dynamic struggle for reunification in the past.
As indicated by the Marshal in his New Year address, only when the entire nation join efforts, can they open up a broad avenue to independent reunification.
The workers of the DPRK who promoted the development of history and pioneered it by dint of unity will strengthen solidarity and alliance with the workers in the south and share one purpose and joins efforts with them in the struggle for national reunification this year.
utorak, 9. lipnja 2015.
North Korea looking to be green energy powerhouse
North Korea looking to be green energy powerhouse
Kim Jong Un has pledged to improve the lives of his people and boost the economy. Picture: AFP/Getty
North Korea is racing to boost its electricity supply by up to 50 per cent with the completion of several generating stations by the end of the year and is pushing alternative resources like solar, to ease its chronic shortages, a government expert said.
In an unusually high-profile campaign, the North has mobilised legions of “shock brigades” to complete two large hydro-power projects by 10 October. As is common with major North Korean construction efforts, the deadline is a date of national significance: the 70th anniversary of its ruling party.
Officials hope a noticeable increase will provide tangible proof that the party is working to improve the impoverished and heavily controlled nation’s standard of living.
Kim Kyong Il, a senior researcher at Pyongyang’s Academy of Social Sciences, said the goal is a 20 to 50 per cent increase in power compared with the 2014 level.
How effective its latest “speed campaign” will be is an open question. Even achieving its target would leave North Korea with a small fraction of what it needs to fuel a vibrant economy or even meet some basic needs of its population.
Experts stress the North needs more than just new power stations – it must improve its infrastructure to get the electricity where it is needed, secure spare parts and conduct sustained maintenance to keep the plants themselves going.
Supplying its industries and 24 million citizens with even a bare minimum of electricity has long been one of North Korea’s biggest problems, particularly after the fall of the Soviet Union in the early 1990s.
Since then, the international community has offered to help the North expand its power grid, if it agrees to dismantle its nuclear weapons programme, but to no avail.
North Korea’s total nationwide electricity output is believed to be about 15 terawatt hours a year. That would only be about enough to power Seoul, the South Korean capital of ten million, for less than four months.
It has been estimated, though never confirmed by Pyongyang, that about one-fifth of North Korea’s electricity is diverted to its one million-strong military. Moreover, a disproportionate amount of the nation’s power is used to light up Pyongyang, where less than one-tenth of the population resides.
Mr Kim, the government expert, said the North is shifting its focus in line with leader Kim Jong-un’s promise to improve the lives of his people and invigorate the economy.
He said North Korea is exploring wind and tidal power sources and added that solar already provides as much as half of the electricity in some rural areas. Small solar panels, seen by outside experts as a grassroots coping mechanism where state-provided energy is woefully lacking, are a common sight on apartment balconies and some countryside farms.
“Our country regards electricity as the engine of the national economy, so the state is increasing investment in this field,” he said. He added that a major portion of the 2015 national budget that didn’t go to defence has been earmarked for investment in the power sector, though he refused to give precise figures.
The expert added two major projects – Mount Paektu Songun Youth Power Station units No1 and No2 and Huichon Power Station units 5, 8, 9 and 10 along the Chongchon River – are expected to be completed in time for the anniversary.
The hydro-power station on Mount Paektu, near the Chinese border, was started under Kim Jong-un’s father, the late Kim Jong-il, but had been plagued by delays.
State media in the North have portrayed the race to complete the mega-projects as a heroic demonstration of national will.
“The young people have gone through thick and thin to flatten mountains, empty seas and conquer space,” the ruling party’s newspaper said recently.
srijeda, 3. lipnja 2015.
FAMILY OF KIM SUNG IL (2)
Mother, not wanting to wake the neighbor, would squat down by the neighbor's house, listening for the
clock's hourly chimes.
Years later, when I returned home from Paldogu, my uncle's wife asked me how my father was and then
she told me how relieved she was that I lived so close to my school in Paldogu. She recalled how tough it
was to send my father to school on time without a clock in the house. Our family home did not have a
clock until the day of Liberation.
Dirty poor though we were, it was our family tradition to share whatever we had with needy neighbors
and relatives. Even though we lived on rice gruel more often than not, we helped other people as much as
we could.
Grandpa used to tell us - "You can live without money, but you cannot live without kindness.", which
became my family tradition and way of life, our philosophy. My father was eager to learn new ideas and
had a high level of scholastic aptitude. He wanted to attend formal schools after learning the one-thousand-
character prose from a traditional village scholar..
In the year of the Hague Secret Mission incident, students from Sunwha, Chuja, Chilgol and Sinhung
gathered at Sulmae for an athletic competition. My father attended the gathering representing Sunwha.
He competed in iron-bar, wrestling, running and other athletic events. He won all but the high-jump,
because his hair knot caught the bar. He was so angry that he went to a nearby hill after the game and
chopped off the offending knot. Tying up man's hair into a knot was a Korean custom several hundred
years old and chopping it off without parents prior permission was a dead serious breach of filial piety.
Upon learning of my father's act, Grandpa wailed as if the world was about to come to an end.
Father, realizing belatedly the seriousness of his misdeed, stayed away form Grandpa and spent the night
hanging around outdoors. My great grandma saw him and took food out to him during the night. My
father was her favorite offspring and she was the one who made it possible for my father to attend the
school. She was the one who had persuaded Grandpa to send my father to school. Grandpa, a stalwart of
feudality, did not think much of modern schools. Father started at Sungsil in the spring of 1911, a year
after our nation was lost. In those days, Korea was still in Dark Ages and even rich yangban families were
reluctant to send their kids to a modern school. Sending a kid through middle school education was,
indeed, unusual, especially for such a poor household as ours that barely subsisted.
The school tuition was two won in those days. To get two won, my mother collected and peddled clams
from Sunwha River, Grandpa raised sweet melons, Grandma worked fields and even my 15-year old
uncle worked to raise my father's tuition. My father, too, worked at his school's experimental farm for
long hours after the classes, after which he studied at the school library for several hour before walking 30
ri to home. He would have no more than two hours to sleep before the breakfast time for another grueling
day.
Ours was a farm family, not uncommon in villages all over Korea. We were honest, hard-working, poor
farmers. We had nothing outstanding; we were just a normal farming family. One thing different about us
was that we were passionately patriotic, willing to die for our country. My great grandfather was a mere
grave caretaker for a landowner, but he was an ardent nationalist. The General Sherman, an American
merchant marine, invaded our land and sailed up Taedong River to Turu Island, killing many Koreans
with rifle and cannon fire. My great grandpa was one of those villagers who gathered up straw ropes and
strung them up across the river from Kongyu Island to Mangyong Peak, to blocked the escape path of the
American invaders. They threw rocks at the invaders.
Lee Wha Rang notes: Modern Pyongyang maps show Turu and Konryu islands. The General Sherman
was stranded near Turu, which sailed up this far on flooded Taedong River. Kim Il Sung's great
grandfathers was among the villagers who helped destroy the ship. Kim Il Sung was born in Mangyong-
dae (bottom-left corner). At age seven, Kim Il Sung walked across a wooden bridge over Potong River to
visit his father in prison. It is not clear which bridge he crossed.
The invaders advanced to Yang-gak Island, shooting cannon and rifles at the crowd, pillaging and raping
along the way. Mt great grandpa led his villagers to the Pyongyang Fort and joined the soldiers and
volunteers from other villages gathered there. They placed firewood on small boats and sent them burning
to the enemy ship. The enemy ship and her entire crew were eliminated. After the Sherman incident, the
American imperialists dispatched the warship Shenandoah, which pillaged our villages at the Taedong
estuary. Once again, the Mangyong-dae villagers took up arms to repel the invaders.
Grandpa used to tell us - "It is proper for man to die fighting the enemy", and told us to serve our nation.
Grandpa proudly sent his children and grandchildren to the battle ground of anti-Japanese movement
MY FAMILY
My life began in the 1910s when Korea had suffered the worst tragic calamities. By the time I was born,
Korea was already under the Japanese colonial rule. Korea was under the thumb of Japanese Emperor
through a Japan-Korea Annexation agreement. The Korean people became slaves of Japanese Governor
General of Korea. Korea, with her long, brilliant history, with rich natural resources and clear waterways,
had become the stomping ground of Japanese boots and gun carriage wheels.
The Korean people seethed with anger and wept with sorrow over the loss of their nationhood. Countless
patriots could not bear the tragedy that had befallen on Korea and opted to end their lives than to live
under the Japanese yoke. They chose honorable death over shameful submission to the much despised
Japanese.
Police and civil servants - and even school teachers - wore uniforms and carried samurai swords, and
Korea was subjected to the most barbaric secret police state terrorism ever known to man. Under
Emperor's direction, the Governor General commanded the military in Korea and yielded life and death
powers over the Korean people. All Korean political organizations and scholastic entities were disbanded
by the Governor General.
Our patriots were beaten with cowhide whips in Japanese torture chambers and prison cells. Japanese
police applied the notorious Tokugawa Shogunate torture methods on our patriots; red-hot iron rods were
mercilessly thrust into their bodies.
The Governor General issued edict after edict to enslave the Korean people: we were forced to color our
traditional white attires; Japanese businessmen swarmed over Korea and took away our land and natural
resources. They stole our national treasures and took them to Japan.
I have been to several nations that had been colonies and found no former colony that was forced to
change family names and was forbidden to speak their native language; no colony was forced to give
people's cooking pots and eating utensils to their colonists. No imperialists, with the sole exception of
Japan, had perpetuated such inhuman acts.
Korea in those days was a living Hell, unfit for human habitation. The Korean people were, in all aspects,
walking stiffs; their spirits were dead, alive though their bodies were. Lenin's prediction that "Japan's
hitherto unparalleled savage tortures of the Korean patriots and barbaric exploitation of Korea will
continue, no matter what" was right on the mark.
The years of my childhood saw various imperial powers fighting over colonial spoils. In the year I was
born, US Marines stormed Honduras, France made Morocco her protectorate, and Italy took Turkey's
Rotus island. In Korea, the Land Examination Law was imposed by the Japanese to legitimize their land
grab.
In short, it was my misfortune to be born in an era of evil events and to grow up seeing the worst of the
Japanese savagery. These left indelible marks on my memory and shaped my future activities. My father
told me how Korea got herself into the sat situation she was in, and I became angry at the elite of Korea
who had let it happen. I swore then and there to devote the rest of my life to the task of driving out the
Japanese colonists from Korea.
While other nations went about in mighty warships and rode shiny trains, our feudal leaders rode filthy
scrawny donkeys wearing horse-hair hats and had wasted several hundred years in a stale state of stupor
and suffocating economic stagnation. They kowtowed to foreign gunboat diplomacy and opened up the
gate for foreign invasion and exploitation; Korea became an easy prey for the imperialists.
The Queen of Korea, still a sovereign nation in 1895, was cut to pieces in front of her own palace by
foreign troops, and so-called King was locked up in a foreign legation for over a year in his own country.
The King's father was kidnapped by a foreign power and Korea had to apologize for the incident.
Guarding the palace was delegated to foreign troops. Who were to protect the nation and care for the
Korean people in a situation such as this?
Though a tiny speck in the scheme of the Universe a family may be, it is an essential part of the world and
it cannot live outside the world. The misfortune of Korea hit my family without mercy like a tidal wave.
My family stood firm amidst the disasters and threats, weeping and laughing with the nation, and stood
tall in the eye of the tornados sweeping the nation.
I was told that my great-great grandfather came from Chun-ju, North Chul-ra Province, in search of a
better life in north Korea. My great grandfather, Kim Ung Woo, settled in Mangyong-dae in 1860. He
was born in Jung-sung-ri, Pyongyang, and eked out a living farming. Lee Pyong Taek, a landowner in
Pyongyang made him a caretaker of Lee's ancestral burial ground in Mangyong-dae. That was how we
got to be in Mangyng-dae.
..with the century by prezident/PAGE 1-2)
KIM IL SUNG
Long Live Korean Independenc
e!
It was freezing cold on the day when Father left home. I waited and waited for his safe return home all
during the Spring months. Our family did not have enough food to eat, not enough clothing to wear and
not enough heat to keep warm. Winter was a cruel enemy to my shivering family.
Grandma worried that, with the spring thaw, my birthday would come upon her. On my birthday in the
spring, flowers broke out everywhere and Father would be less cold in the north somewhere, but
celebrating my birthday without Father and at a time when our food stock would be at the rock bottom.
Even though my family's food supply ran out late in the Spring, Grandma managed to come out with
bowls of white rice and a cooked chicken egg on my birthday - until that year. Even a single egg was a
major food item in our household, as our daily menu was mainly bowls of thin gruel at best. Celebrating
my birthday was the farthest thing on my mind in that Spring. I was still in shock from my father's arrest
and I was worried sick about my father's being away for so long.
Not long after my father's departure, the March First Movement erupted on March 1, 1919. All the pent
up angers and sorrows of living under the Japanese imperialists for ten long years exploded on that day.
In ten years after the annexation, Korea had become a gigantic dungeon, no better than those of the
Middle Ages. The Japanese colonists used naked military power to suppress the Korean people's
aspiration to become free again. The Japanese took way our freedom of press, freedom to hold meetings,
freedom to form organizations, and freedom to march. They took away our human rights and properties.
The Korean people formed secret organizations, independence fights, mass enlightenment activities, and
had built up considerable potential energy against the decade of plunder and exploitation by the Japanese.
Catholics, Protestants, Buddhists and other religious leaders, patriotic teachers and students had planned
and executed the March First Movement. The Kapsin Reform, Kaboh Peasants War, Patriotic Mass
Enlightenment and Righteous Army ensued one after another, and our nationalistic feelings were
sublimated and ripe for kinetic explosion, like a volcano letting out the pressure built up over the
years. Thus, at noon, March 1st in Pyongyang, church bells rang out in unison to signal the start of the
march. Several thousands students and citizens gathered at the front yard of Sung-duk Girls School
located at Jang-dae-jae. Declaration of Independence was read aloud and it was solemnly proclaimed that
Korea was a free nation. The crowd began the march shouting "Long Live Korean Independence", "Out
with the Japanese and their army". They were joined by tens of thousands of citizens.
The villagers of Mangyong-dae lined up in a file and marched into Pyongyang and joined the crowd of
marchers already there. We got up early on that day and ate our breakfast; all of us joined the march.
When we left the village, there were only a few hundred of us, but by the time we reached Pyongyang,
our rank swelled to several thousands. We beat on drums and gongs and marched toward Botong Gate,
shouting "Long Live Korean Independence!" at the top of our lungs. I was only eight years old at the time, but I joined in the march wearing my worn-out shoes full of holes.
I shouted and shouted with the marchers and reached Botong Gate. The marchers rushed inside the castle
past the Gate; I could not keep up with them in my tattered shoes and so I took them off and ran after the
marchers as fast as my little legs could move. The enemy mobilized mounted police and army troops to
stop our march, They slashed and shot the marchers indiscriminately. Many of the marchers fell spilling
blood. But the marchers marched on and fought the enemy with bare hands.
For the first time in my life, I witnessed people killing people, Korean blood staining our own land. My
young mind and body was enraged. After the sunset, the villagers from Mangyon-dae went to Mangyong
Peak and held a rally at the summit. Torches were lit and bugles blared. We beat drums and metal pans,
making enough noise to wake up the dead. We shouted hurrah for our independence. This continued on
for several days. Mother and her sister took me along when they joined the crowd at the summit. Mother
was busy carrying drinking water and burning oil for the torches to the protesters at the summit.
The marchers in Seoul were joined by the people who were in Seoul to attend King Kojong's funeral.
Several hundreds of thousands of people joined the march. Hasegawa, Governor General of Korea,
ordered the 20th Infantry Division garrisoned at Yongsan to squash the movement. The Japanese
soldiers attacked unarmed marchers with swords and rifles, turning Seoul into a sea of Korean blood.
But the marchers stayed their course; when the vanguards fell, the next in line took the lead. The
marchers pushed on stepping over their fallen comrades. People marched in all major towns and cities in
Korea on that day.
I was only eight years old at the time, but I joined in the march wearing my worn-out shoes full of holes.
I shouted and shouted with the marchers and reached Botong Gate. The marchers rushed inside the castle
past the Gate; I could not keep up with them in my tattered shoes and so I took them off and ran after the
marchers as fast as my little legs could move. The enemy mobilized mounted police and army troops to
stop our march, They slashed and shot the marchers indiscriminately. Many of the marchers fell spilling
blood. But the marchers marched on and fought the enemy with bare hands.
For the first time in my life, I witnessed people killing people, Korean blood staining our own land. My
young mind and body was enraged. After the sunset, the villagers from Mangyon-dae went to Mangyong
Peak and held a rally at the summit. Torches were lit and bugles blared. We beat drums and metal pans,
making enough noise to wake up the dead. We shouted hurrah for our independence. This continued on
for several days. Mother and her sister took me along when they joined the crowd at the summit. Mother
was busy carrying drinking water and burning oil for the torches to the protesters at the summit.
The marchers in Seoul were joined by the people who were in Seoul to attend King Kojong's funeral.
Several hundreds of thousands of people joined the march. Hasegawa, Governor General of Korea,
ordered the 20th Infantry Division garrisoned at Yongsan to squash the movement. The Japanese
soldiers attacked unarmed marchers with swords and rifles, turning Seoul into a sea of Korean blood.
But the marchers stayed their course; when the vanguards fell, the next in line took the lead. The
marchers pushed on stepping over their fallen comrades. People marched in all major towns and cities in
Korea on that day.
Photo: Young school girls marching for independence.
Young school girls marched holding up Taeguk-gi. When their hand holding up the flag was cut off by
the Japanese, they picked up the flag with the other hand. When both hands were cut off, they marched
on until they dropped, shouting "Long Live Korea!" Even the most hardened Japanese savages were
afraid of such determined opponents. The mass uprising in Seoul and Pyongyang soon spread to all of
the thirteen provinces of Korea by the middle of March. It had spilled over to Manchuria, Shanghai,
Siberia, Hawaii and other foreign places. The uprising was a true pan-national movement, of all Koreans,
all overseas Koreans, irrespective of their gender, age, religion and vocation. Every one was welcome to
četvrtak, 15. siječnja 2015.
Atentat i šehidska smrt
Atentat i šehidska smrt
U subotu naveče, 12. februara 1949. godine, imam Hasan el-Benna je otišao na sastanak u glavnu upravu Udruženja mladih muslimana. Nakon sastanka ušao je u taksi sa svojim zetom Abdulkerimom Mensurom i drugim bratom. Prije nego što je auto krenulo, prišao je nepoznat čovjek i pokušao otvoriti vrata od auta. Zatim je nekoliko puta pucao na imama Hasana el-Bennaa i njegovog zeta, a onda je sjeo u obližnji taksi i pobjegao s mjesta događaja. Imam Hasan el-Benna je ranjen izašao iz auta, ponovo ušao u ured i počeo birati telefonski broj hitne pomoći. Prije nego što je završio pozivanje izgubio je snagu i neko drugi je pozvao ambulantna kola. Imam el-Benna i Abdulkerim Mensur su odvezeni u bolnicu el-Kasr el-Ajni. Oko dva sata poslije ponoći doktori su objavili da je imam Hasan el-Benna umro.[1]
Postoje tri teorije kako je imam Hasan el-Benna umro:
1.) Rane od metaka: Službena priča koja je objavljena u novinama pod kontrolom režima je da je dan nakon atentata umro usljed rana dobivenih od metaka. Medicinski izvještaj je tvrdio da je nađeno šest metaka u raznim dijelovima njegovog tijela, od kojih je jedan prodro u prsa. Doktori i hirurzi su ga operisali, ali bezuspješno.[2]
2.) Nemarno liječenje: Abdulkerim Mensur, koji je također pogođen i zajedno sa imamom prevezen u bolnicu, priča da su doktori, kada je imam El-Benna prispio u bolnicu, izgubili dosta vremena prije pregleda i da je njihovo ponašanje bilo sasvim drugačije. Oni su namjerno odugovlačili sa njegovim tretmanom:
"Kad smo stigli u bolnicu imam El-Benna ih je zamolio da počnu sa liječenjem, ali doktori i hirurzi su nas uputili pomoćnom doktoru u operacionom odjeljenju. Bili smo prebačeni, ali pomoćni doktor nije bio tamo. Tada su nas uputili drugom doktoru koji je bio kod svoje kuće. Napokon je drugi doktor došao i pružio mu pomoć. Imam Hasan el-Benna je bio u dobrom stanju i nije bilo znakova ikakve slabosti. U ponoć je imam El-Benna, koji je bio pokraj mene, prebačen na drugo mjesto i ja nisam znao gdje su ga odvezli. Kada sam ujutro ustao saznao sam neugodnu vijest da je umro od prevelikog krvarenja."[3]
3.) Ubijen od strane Muhammeda Vasfija, činovnika Ministarstva sigurnosti:
1952. godine u "Egipatskom općem dopunskom memorandumu" je objavljeno da se atentat na imama Hasana el-Bennaa desio oko osam sati u subotu naveče, 12. februara 1949. godine. Iste noći, dok je imam El-Benna bio u bolnici, Muhammed Vasfi je ušao u operacionu salu i raspitivao se o zdravlju imama El-Bennaa. Nakon što je čuo da je van opasnosti i na putu oporavka, Muhammed Vasfi je iz operacione sale udaljio sve doktore i bolničare i ubio imama El-Bennaa.[4]
Kasnije se saznalo da je imam Hasan el-Benna na dan atentata sanjao san kojeg je ispričao jednom od članova svoje porodice. U snu je vidio imama Alija kako mu kaže: "O Hasane, tvoja zadaća je završena i ti si dostavio svoju poruku. Allah je primio tebe i tvoja djela." Imam el-Benna je ovaj san protumačio kao upućivanje na njegovu šehidsku smrt.[5]
Sejfulislam, jedini sin imama Hasana el-Bennaa, kaže da prave ubice nisu oni koji su poslije uhapšeni, zbog toga što zavjera o ubistvu njegovog oca nije bila lokalna; tačnije, iza toga su bile strane sile – Amerika i Britanija. Sejfulislam kaže: "Oni su imali jasne interese u uklanjanju vođa omiljenih kod narodnih masa, kako ne bi promijenili politički poredak u Egiptu i arapskom svijetu i zato su ubili mog oca."[6]
by Jasmin Vuk on Wednesday, February 9, 2011
[1] Džerida el-Misri, 12. februar 1949.
[2] Ibid.
[3] Enver el-Džundi, Hayat redžul we tarih medrese, eš-Šehid
[4] Šejh Se'id Hawwa, el-Medhal ila Da'wa el-Ihwan el-Muslimin
[5] Enver el-Džundi, Hasan el-Benna: Hayat redžul we tarih medrese, eš-Šehid
[6] Džerida al-Ša'b, 12. februar 1999., Intervju sa Muhammedom Abdul-Kuddusom.
U subotu naveče, 12. februara 1949. godine, imam Hasan el-Benna je otišao na sastanak u glavnu upravu Udruženja mladih muslimana. Nakon sastanka ušao je u taksi sa svojim zetom Abdulkerimom Mensurom i drugim bratom. Prije nego što je auto krenulo, prišao je nepoznat čovjek i pokušao otvoriti vrata od auta. Zatim je nekoliko puta pucao na imama Hasana el-Bennaa i njegovog zeta, a onda je sjeo u obližnji taksi i pobjegao s mjesta događaja. Imam Hasan el-Benna je ranjen izašao iz auta, ponovo ušao u ured i počeo birati telefonski broj hitne pomoći. Prije nego što je završio pozivanje izgubio je snagu i neko drugi je pozvao ambulantna kola. Imam el-Benna i Abdulkerim Mensur su odvezeni u bolnicu el-Kasr el-Ajni. Oko dva sata poslije ponoći doktori su objavili da je imam Hasan el-Benna umro.[1]
Postoje tri teorije kako je imam Hasan el-Benna umro:
1.) Rane od metaka: Službena priča koja je objavljena u novinama pod kontrolom režima je da je dan nakon atentata umro usljed rana dobivenih od metaka. Medicinski izvještaj je tvrdio da je nađeno šest metaka u raznim dijelovima njegovog tijela, od kojih je jedan prodro u prsa. Doktori i hirurzi su ga operisali, ali bezuspješno.[2]
2.) Nemarno liječenje: Abdulkerim Mensur, koji je također pogođen i zajedno sa imamom prevezen u bolnicu, priča da su doktori, kada je imam El-Benna prispio u bolnicu, izgubili dosta vremena prije pregleda i da je njihovo ponašanje bilo sasvim drugačije. Oni su namjerno odugovlačili sa njegovim tretmanom:
"Kad smo stigli u bolnicu imam El-Benna ih je zamolio da počnu sa liječenjem, ali doktori i hirurzi su nas uputili pomoćnom doktoru u operacionom odjeljenju. Bili smo prebačeni, ali pomoćni doktor nije bio tamo. Tada su nas uputili drugom doktoru koji je bio kod svoje kuće. Napokon je drugi doktor došao i pružio mu pomoć. Imam Hasan el-Benna je bio u dobrom stanju i nije bilo znakova ikakve slabosti. U ponoć je imam El-Benna, koji je bio pokraj mene, prebačen na drugo mjesto i ja nisam znao gdje su ga odvezli. Kada sam ujutro ustao saznao sam neugodnu vijest da je umro od prevelikog krvarenja."[3]
3.) Ubijen od strane Muhammeda Vasfija, činovnika Ministarstva sigurnosti:
1952. godine u "Egipatskom općem dopunskom memorandumu" je objavljeno da se atentat na imama Hasana el-Bennaa desio oko osam sati u subotu naveče, 12. februara 1949. godine. Iste noći, dok je imam El-Benna bio u bolnici, Muhammed Vasfi je ušao u operacionu salu i raspitivao se o zdravlju imama El-Bennaa. Nakon što je čuo da je van opasnosti i na putu oporavka, Muhammed Vasfi je iz operacione sale udaljio sve doktore i bolničare i ubio imama El-Bennaa.[4]
Kasnije se saznalo da je imam Hasan el-Benna na dan atentata sanjao san kojeg je ispričao jednom od članova svoje porodice. U snu je vidio imama Alija kako mu kaže: "O Hasane, tvoja zadaća je završena i ti si dostavio svoju poruku. Allah je primio tebe i tvoja djela." Imam el-Benna je ovaj san protumačio kao upućivanje na njegovu šehidsku smrt.[5]
Sejfulislam, jedini sin imama Hasana el-Bennaa, kaže da prave ubice nisu oni koji su poslije uhapšeni, zbog toga što zavjera o ubistvu njegovog oca nije bila lokalna; tačnije, iza toga su bile strane sile – Amerika i Britanija. Sejfulislam kaže: "Oni su imali jasne interese u uklanjanju vođa omiljenih kod narodnih masa, kako ne bi promijenili politički poredak u Egiptu i arapskom svijetu i zato su ubili mog oca."[6]
by Jasmin Vuk on Wednesday, February 9, 2011
[1] Džerida el-Misri, 12. februar 1949.
[2] Ibid.
[3] Enver el-Džundi, Hayat redžul we tarih medrese, eš-Šehid
[4] Šejh Se'id Hawwa, el-Medhal ila Da'wa el-Ihwan el-Muslimin
[5] Enver el-Džundi, Hasan el-Benna: Hayat redžul we tarih medrese, eš-Šehid
[6] Džerida al-Ša'b, 12. februar 1999., Intervju sa Muhammedom Abdul-Kuddusom.
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