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subota, 20. lipnja 2015.

THE IMPORTANCE OF THE GREAT WORK ``GIVING PRIORITY TO IDEOLOGICAL WORK IS ESSENTIAL FOR ACCOMPLISHING SOCIALISM´´ IN THE INTERNATIONAL COMMUNIST MOVEMENT by D Munoz KFA Member

Saturday, 20 June 2015

THE IMPORTANCE OF THE GREAT WORK ``GIVING PRIORITY TO IDEOLOGICAL WORK IS ESSENTIAL FOR ACCOMPLISHING SOCIALISM´´ IN THE INTERNATIONAL COMMUNIST MOVEMENT by D Munoz KFA Member


THE IMPORTANCE OF THE GREAT WORK ``GIVING PRIORITY TO IDEOLOGICAL WORK IS ESSENTIAL FOR ACCOMPLISHING SOCIALISM´´ IN THE INTERNATIONAL COMMUNIST MOVEMENT.
Dear comrades,
We are here today to commemorate the 51st anniversary of the start of work of the Great Leader comrade KIM JONG IL at the central committee of the WPK and the 20th anniversary of the publication of the work ¨ Giving Priority to Ideological Work is essential for accomplishing socialism¨, wich is one of the most important cientific works of the orthodox comunism in the recent times.
Times in wich we are able to see how gradually the capitalism is destroying itself, and the sense of fight of the international workers movement is raising above again.
But a struggle in wich the reformism, leftism, revisionism, extreme right and all the easy ideologies are blocking the distruction of capitalism to reach the socialism is worthless.
In this times where the orthodox communists are having the difficult task to concience the oppressed masses of this society and prioritize the ideological formation.

20 years ago, when the worldwide working class thought that the socialism is a failed idea because of the disappearance of the socialist block and the majority of the communists parties droped into revisionism and pro-democracy, the Great Leader comrade KIM JONG IL proved with his great work, that the only way to reach and keep socialism on the correct path is intensifying the ideological factor; wich is an essential labour in all the aspects to help fomenting the damage of the bourgeois way of thinking and the scourges of the past inside the socialist society, preserving this way the democratic proletariat dictatorship , under the correct leadership of the Party this will prevent the bourgeois ideas from infiltrating and deteriorating the socialist sistem like it happened for example in the Soviet Union where this scourge show itself in the XX congress of the CPSU in the hands of the revisionist Nikita Kruschev who disintegrated the proletariat dictatorship, or in China in the hands of the revisionist Deng Xiao Ping who after the attempt of the orthodox communists led by the comrade Mao Tse Tung of keeping the democratic popular dictatorship and intensify the ideological education, Deng and his accomplices snatched the Party from the people and brought China into a path towards capitalism.
The Great Leader comrade KIM JONG IL said in his work: ''If remnants of old society in socialist society are encouraged to grow, or capitalist economic management methods are introduced into socialist economic management, or worse still, if capitalist ownership is revived by encroaching upon socialist ownership, this will result in the economic, material basis of socialist ideology being pulled down, and conditions created for the growth of individualism, selfishness and other bourgeois ideas. Private ownership inevitably gives birth to individualism and bourgeois ideas inevitably grow and spread on the soil of capitalist ownership and the capitalist market economy. Socialism is incompatible with private ownership and the capitalist market economy´´
This is the case that lead the socialism to extinction in all the other countries in wich they did not  prioritize the ideological formation. We can observe this process nowadays in Cuba.
But the people of Korea under the leadership of the Party and the comrades KIM IL SUNG, KIM JONG IL and KIM JONG UN fomented the anti revisionist struggle and the ideological prioritization , destroying in this way all signs of opportunism and bourgeois ideas wich can debilitate the socialist sistem like we saw recently with the anticommunist opportunist of the traitor Jang Song Thaek and his accomplices whom were brought to light by the people trying to create a conspiracy against the socialist system. They were punished like the scourge of the bourgeois society to maintain intact the socialist sistem and keep constructing it day by day , being the motherland of the Juche Idea the vanguard of the international communist movement.
We have to intensify the study of the Leaders and the inmortal revolutionary Juche Idea beeing the clear example of the anti revisionism in all the organizations and communists parties around the world.
The DPRK proved that they still lead great victories in the construcction progressing firmly towards the Communist Society.
The DPRK is not the last bastion of socialism, but the first example of a bright future in wich intensifying the ideological labour and fighting the struggle together we, all the oppressed people in the world can reach the victory.
DAVID MUÑOZ.
KFA.

mY NAME IS KIM HYONG ROK

Y NAME IS KIM HYONG ROK

Uncle would say - "my name is Kim Hyong Rok", upon which the police would slap him a few times and
repeat the process; with each refusal, the Japanese police became angrier and more vicious in their beating
of my poor uncle. But, my uncle did not give in.
Grandpa was proud of Uncle's courage and stood behind Uncle's decision to hold onto our Korean family
name. Grandpa told Uncle that it was not right to submit to the Japanese when I, Sung Ju, was leading an
anti-Japanese movement; that it was better to be beaten to death than to submit to the Japanese.
When we stepped out of our family home gate, we swore that we would
be back, but I was the sole survivor to return home. My father died at
age 32 while fighting for Korea in a foreign land, far away from home.
In a man's life, 32 is the prime. After his funeral, grandma came to visit
her son's grave at Yang-ji, Musong. She cried her heart out, hugging the
grave. To this day, I remember the scene as if it were only yesterday.
Six years later, my mother passed away at Ahndo before she could
return home. Soon after my mother's death, my younger brother, Chul
Ju, a guerrilla fighter, was killed in action against the Japanese. I don't
know his body was buried. (
Photo: Uncle Kim Hyong Kwon in prison
where he died
).
A few years later, my younger uncle died from torture at the Mapo
prison, while serving a long-term prison term. Our family did not have the money to recover his body for
proper burial, and he was buried in common graves of the prison. In less than 20 years, most of my
relatives in anti-Japanese movements died at various distant strange places.
When I returned home after liberation, Grandma rushed out to meet me at the front gate and cried out -
"Where is your father, your mother? Why are you back alone? Could you not bring them home with
you?" She broke my heart. I felt for grandma's sorrows and also, I felt greater sorrows over the fact that I
could not bring home the remains of my parents and relatives, buried in forgotten unattended graves far,
far away from home.
Since then at every front gate of every Korean home I have passed through, I have wondered how many
patriots had left the gate never to see it again. Every Korean gate has witnessed tearful partings, painful
longings for the loved ones, and heart-wrenching tragic endings. Tens of thousands of our fathers and
mothers, our brothers and sisters have died fighting for Korea. It took 36 long years to regain our
nationhood; through years of blood, tears and agonies, through clouds of exploding shells and rains of
bullets, we returned home. Thirty six years of our struggle saw oceans of our blood and sweats, and cost
generations of our youth. It was a horrendous and enormous price to pay, but without our sacrifices, we
would not have today's Korea, Korea would still be a slave nation and her people living shameful
miserable lives. The Korean people would have been slaves of foreigners for the whole of the 20th
Century

Father's belief in communist movement hope in communism in light of the Bolshevik revolution in Russia. The March First fiasco convinced him that we must change our nationalist movement into communist revolution. Father argued for toilers' revolution at the Chung-su Conference in July 1919. He convened a conference of the Korean People's Association cadres, liaison officers and leaders of other nationalist organization in August at Hongtong- gu, China. At the conference, Father expounded his belief in transforming our nationalist movement into communist movement. He emphasized that the movement must defeat the Japanese imperialists by our own power, adapting to the prevailing world situations and work to build a society that protect the proletariat. Formulating concrete steps to go from nationalist movement to communist movement was one of my father's achievements in our struggle for independence. Father explained his idea of proletarian revolution is to build a new society wherein those without food are given rice and those with nothing to wear are given clothes. He awakened workers, peasants and other toilers by setting examples; he united various organizations and groups into a united front and nurtured it into a powerful organ of revolution.. Father advocated that petitions and diplomacy would not bring us freedom and we must rely on military forces to gain freedom. He began to organize new military organizations. Father wanted to train nationalistic youth from farming families on military tactics and leadership and to indoctrinate the existing military leaders and junior officers. They would form the core of a new army of workers and peasants. Father dispatched members of the Korean People's Association to various military organization to spread his new military doctrine; he directed arms procurements and education of military officers. Father endeavored to unite military groups. At the time, there were many groups competing to expand and this was the most agonizing defect of our independence movement to my father. In Kan-do and Siberia, there were a host of armed Korean camps. Almost every day, a new "Korean Society", "Korean Freedom Corps", "Korea Corp" and so on popped up. There were at least 20 of such armed groups in southern Manchuria alone. They might have achieved something significant, if they got together and coordinated their actions. But the fact of the matter is that they betrayed each other and vied for dominance. Father feared that this sad situation, if continued, would alienate the Korean people and help Japanese wipe out the camps. Father learned that Korean Independence Youth Corp and Kwangje Youth Corp were at each other's throat; he rushed to Kwangje and called on the leaders to bury the hatchet and work together for common cause. Thanks to Father, Hong-up Corps, Gung-bi Corps and other armed groups in the Yenan-Yalu region merged into a united national army. Transforming extant armed groups into a people's army of workers and peasants and embarking on the road of communist revolution was one of Father's agenda. This new direction would help unite the armed groups and minimize contentious rifts amongst them. Father worked tirelessly to redirect our military activities until the day he died. He was struck down with an incurable disease. After Father's announcement of the new direction at the Kwanjun Conference, ideological splits among the nationalists intensified. Even among those who had supported Father's plan when he was alive deserted after his death. Some of them were captured by the Japanese, some became turncoats, and others scattered away. Few took up the banner of revolution when Father fell. The conservatives in the nationalist camp built walls around them and kept to their old ways; but many progressive leaders chose the new way and later joined in our communist revolution. Father's belief in communist movement provided much needed nourishments for my growth


hope in communism in light of the Bolshevik revolution in Russia. The March First fiasco convinced him
that we must change our nationalist movement into communist revolution. Father argued for toilers'
revolution at the Chung-su Conference in July 1919. He convened a conference of the Korean People's
Association cadres, liaison officers and leaders of other nationalist organization in August at Hongtong-
gu, China. At the conference, Father expounded his belief in transforming our nationalist movement into
communist movement. He emphasized that the movement must defeat the Japanese imperialists by our
own power, adapting to the prevailing world situations and work to build a society that protect the
proletariat.
Formulating concrete steps to go from nationalist movement to communist movement was one of my
father's achievements in our struggle for independence. Father explained his idea of proletarian
revolution is to build a new society wherein those without food are given rice and those with nothing to
wear are given clothes. He awakened workers, peasants and other toilers by setting examples; he united
various organizations and groups into a united front and nurtured it into a powerful organ of revolution..
Father advocated that petitions and diplomacy would not bring us freedom and we must rely on military
forces to gain freedom. He began to organize new military organizations. Father wanted to train
nationalistic youth from farming families on military tactics and leadership and to indoctrinate the
existing military leaders and junior officers. They would form the core of a new army of workers and
peasants. Father dispatched members of the Korean People's Association to various military organization
to spread his new military doctrine; he directed arms procurements and education of military officers.
Father endeavored to unite military groups. At the time, there were many groups competing to expand
and this was the most agonizing defect of our independence movement to my father. In Kan-do and
Siberia, there were a host of armed Korean camps. Almost every day, a new "Korean Society", "Korean
Freedom Corps", "Korea Corp" and so on popped up. There were at least 20 of such armed groups in
southern Manchuria alone. They might have achieved something significant, if they got together and
coordinated their actions. But the fact of the matter is that they betrayed each other and vied for
dominance.
Father feared that this sad situation, if continued, would alienate the Korean people and help Japanese
wipe out the camps. Father learned that Korean Independence Youth Corp and Kwangje Youth Corp
were at each other's throat; he rushed to Kwangje and called on the leaders to bury the hatchet and work
together for common cause. Thanks to Father, Hong-up Corps, Gung-bi Corps and other armed groups
in the Yenan-Yalu region merged into a united national army.
Transforming extant armed groups into a people's army of workers and peasants and embarking on the
road of communist revolution was one of Father's agenda. This new direction would help unite the armed
groups and minimize contentious rifts amongst them. Father worked tirelessly to redirect our military
activities until the day he died. He was struck down with an incurable disease. After Father's
announcement of the new direction at the Kwanjun Conference, ideological splits among the nationalists
intensified. Even among those who had supported Father's plan when he was alive deserted after his
death. Some of them were captured by the Japanese, some became turncoats, and others scattered away.
Few took up the banner of revolution when Father fell. The conservatives in the nationalist camp built walls around them and kept to their old ways; but many progressive leaders chose the new way and later
joined in our communist revolution.
Father's belief in communist movement provided much needed nourishments for my growth

srijeda, 3. lipnja 2015.

FAMILY OF KIM SUNG IL (2)

Mother, not wanting to wake the neighbor, would squat down by the neighbor's house, listening for the
clock's hourly chimes.
Years later, when I returned home from Paldogu, my uncle's wife asked me how my father was and then
she told me how relieved she was that I lived so close to my school in Paldogu. She recalled how tough it
was to send my father to school on time without a clock in the house. Our family home did not have a
clock until the day of Liberation.
Dirty poor though we were, it was our family tradition to share whatever we had with needy neighbors
and relatives. Even though we lived on rice gruel more often than not, we helped other people as much as
we could.
Grandpa used to tell us - "You can live without money, but you cannot live without kindness.", which
became my family tradition and way of life, our philosophy. My father was eager to learn new ideas and
had a high level of scholastic aptitude. He wanted to attend formal schools after learning the one-thousand-
character prose from a traditional village scholar..
In the year of the Hague Secret Mission incident, students from Sunwha, Chuja, Chilgol and Sinhung
gathered at Sulmae for an athletic competition. My father attended the gathering representing Sunwha.
He competed in iron-bar, wrestling, running and other athletic events. He won all but the high-jump,
because his hair knot caught the bar. He was so angry that he went to a nearby hill after the game and
chopped off the offending knot. Tying up man's hair into a knot was a Korean custom several hundred
years old and chopping it off without parents prior permission was a dead serious breach of filial piety.
Upon learning of my father's act, Grandpa wailed as if the world was about to come to an end.
Father, realizing belatedly the seriousness of his misdeed, stayed away form Grandpa and spent the night
hanging around outdoors. My great grandma saw him and took food out to him during the night. My
father was her favorite offspring and she was the one who made it possible for my father to attend the
school. She was the one who had persuaded Grandpa to send my father to school. Grandpa, a stalwart of
feudality, did not think much of modern schools. Father started at Sungsil in the spring of 1911, a year
after our nation was lost. In those days, Korea was still in Dark Ages and even rich yangban families were
reluctant to send their kids to a modern school. Sending a kid through middle school education was,
indeed, unusual, especially for such a poor household as ours that barely subsisted.
The school tuition was two won in those days. To get two won, my mother collected and peddled clams
from Sunwha River, Grandpa raised sweet melons, Grandma worked fields and even my 15-year old
uncle worked to raise my father's tuition. My father, too, worked at his school's experimental farm for
long hours after the classes, after which he studied at the school library for several hour before walking 30
ri to home. He would have no more than two hours to sleep before the breakfast time for another grueling
day.
Ours was a farm family, not uncommon in villages all over Korea. We were honest, hard-working, poor
farmers. We had nothing outstanding; we were just a normal farming family. One thing different about us
was that we were passionately patriotic, willing to die for our country. My great grandfather was a mere 
grave caretaker for a landowner, but he was an ardent nationalist. The General Sherman, an American
merchant marine, invaded our land and sailed up Taedong River to Turu Island, killing many Koreans
with rifle and cannon fire. My great grandpa was one of those villagers who gathered up straw ropes and
strung them up across the river from Kongyu Island to Mangyong Peak, to blocked the escape path of the
American invaders. They threw rocks at the invaders.
Lee Wha Rang notes: Modern Pyongyang maps show Turu and Konryu islands. The General Sherman
was stranded near Turu, which sailed up this far on flooded Taedong River. Kim Il Sung's great
grandfathers was among the villagers who helped destroy the ship. Kim Il Sung was born in Mangyong-
dae (bottom-left corner). At age seven, Kim Il Sung walked across a wooden bridge over Potong River to
visit his father in prison. It is not clear which bridge he crossed.
The invaders advanced to Yang-gak Island, shooting cannon and rifles at the crowd, pillaging and raping
along the way. Mt great grandpa led his villagers to the Pyongyang Fort and joined the soldiers and
volunteers from other villages gathered there. They placed firewood on small boats and sent them burning
to the enemy ship. The enemy ship and her entire crew were eliminated. After the Sherman incident, the
American imperialists dispatched the warship Shenandoah, which pillaged our villages at the Taedong
estuary. Once again, the Mangyong-dae villagers took up arms to repel the invaders.
Grandpa used to tell us - "It is proper for man to die fighting the enemy", and told us to serve our nation.
Grandpa proudly sent his children and grandchildren to the battle ground of anti-Japanese movement

MY FAMILY


My life began in the 1910s when Korea had suffered the worst tragic calamities. By the time I was born,
Korea was already under the Japanese colonial rule. Korea was under the thumb of Japanese Emperor
through a Japan-Korea Annexation agreement. The Korean people became slaves of Japanese Governor
General of Korea. Korea, with her long, brilliant history, with rich natural resources and clear waterways,
had become the stomping ground of Japanese boots and gun carriage wheels.
The Korean people seethed with anger and wept with sorrow over the loss of their nationhood. Countless
patriots could not bear the tragedy that had befallen on Korea and opted to end their lives than to live
under the Japanese yoke. They chose honorable death over shameful submission to the much despised
Japanese.
Police and civil servants - and even school teachers - wore uniforms and carried samurai swords, and
Korea was subjected to the most barbaric secret police state terrorism ever known to man. Under
Emperor's direction, the Governor General commanded the military in Korea and yielded life and death
powers over the Korean people. All Korean political organizations and scholastic entities were disbanded
by the Governor General.
Our patriots were beaten with cowhide whips in Japanese torture chambers and prison cells. Japanese
police applied the notorious Tokugawa Shogunate torture methods on our patriots; red-hot iron rods were
mercilessly thrust into their bodies.
The Governor General issued edict after edict to enslave the Korean people: we were forced to color our
traditional white attires; Japanese businessmen swarmed over Korea and took away our land and natural
resources. They stole our national treasures and took them to Japan.
I have been to several nations that had been colonies and found no former colony that was forced to
change family names and was forbidden to speak their native language; no colony was forced to give
people's cooking pots and eating utensils to their colonists. No imperialists, with the sole exception of
Japan, had perpetuated such inhuman acts.
Korea in those days was a living Hell, unfit for human habitation. The Korean people were, in all aspects,
walking stiffs; their spirits were dead, alive though their bodies were. Lenin's prediction that "Japan's
hitherto unparalleled savage tortures of the Korean patriots and barbaric exploitation of Korea will
continue, no matter what" was right on the mark.
The years of my childhood saw various imperial powers fighting over colonial spoils. In the year I was
born, US Marines stormed Honduras, France made Morocco her protectorate, and Italy took Turkey's
Rotus island. In Korea, the Land Examination Law was imposed by the Japanese to legitimize their land
grab.

In short, it was my misfortune to be born in an era of evil events and to grow up seeing the worst of the
Japanese savagery. These left indelible marks on my memory and shaped my future activities. My father
told me how Korea got herself into the sat situation she was in, and I became angry at the elite of Korea
who had let it happen. I swore then and there to devote the rest of my life to the task of driving out the
Japanese colonists from Korea.
While other nations went about in mighty warships and rode shiny trains, our feudal leaders rode filthy
scrawny donkeys wearing horse-hair hats and had wasted several hundred years in a stale state of stupor
and suffocating economic stagnation. They kowtowed to foreign gunboat diplomacy and opened up the
gate for foreign invasion and exploitation; Korea became an easy prey for the imperialists.
The Queen of Korea, still a sovereign nation in 1895, was cut to pieces in front of her own palace by
foreign troops, and so-called King was locked up in a foreign legation for over a year in his own country.
The King's father was kidnapped by a foreign power and Korea had to apologize for the incident.
Guarding the palace was delegated to foreign troops. Who were to protect the nation and care for the
Korean people in a situation such as this?
Though a tiny speck in the scheme of the Universe a family may be, it is an essential part of the world and
it cannot live outside the world. The misfortune of Korea hit my family without mercy like a tidal wave.
My family stood firm amidst the disasters and threats, weeping and laughing with the nation, and stood
tall in the eye of the tornados sweeping the nation.
I was told that my great-great grandfather came from Chun-ju, North Chul-ra Province, in search of a
better life in north Korea. My great grandfather, Kim Ung Woo, settled in Mangyong-dae in 1860. He
was born in Jung-sung-ri, Pyongyang, and eked out a living farming. Lee Pyong Taek, a landowner in
Pyongyang made him a caretaker of Lee's ancestral burial ground in Mangyong-dae. That was how we
got to be in Mangyng-dae.
..with the century by prezident/PAGE 1-2) 
KIM IL SUNG